When the Ministry of Justice
announced that Sir Bill Jeffrey was to produce a review of the provision of
criminal defence advocacy I was intrigued.
There are many who contend in the heat of the struggle against Legal Aid
cuts that the MoJ and most of all the Lord Chancellor are motivated by ideology
in bringing the justice system to its knees.
The argument goes that the cuts have nothing to do with money and
everything to do with control. If this
were the case the commissioning of the Jeffrey Review would seem a particularly
futile act emphasising unequivocally, as it does, the virtue of independence
under the current system.
Daniel Sternberg, the
vice-chairman of the Young Barristers’ Committee, and I met Sir Bill at the
start of the year as part of his voyage of discovery. He struck me as being a man of unimpeachable
integrity, dispassionate and impartial as all civil servants should be. Most importantly he was an outsider with a
brief to listen, to reflect and suggest.
This he has done with care and a genuine desire to offer constructive
proposals. That his proposals do not
provide a complete solution to the problems that bedevil the criminal justice
system could not possibly be held against him.
In one particular regard Sir Bill was hamstrung from the start forbidden,
as he was, to comment on the funding of the system.
In summary Sir Bill notes, with
measured concern, the wholly different paths by which barristers and solicitor
advocates end up in the Crown Court. He
highlights that a barrister will train for many months in advocacy before being
eligible to appear before a Circuit Judge whereas a solicitor advocate can
achieve the same with as little as 22 hours dedicated advocacy training. He expresses surprise about the startling
dearth of published research into higher criminal court advocacy and
significant statistical shortcomings. I
share his anxiety on this score and I hope it is uncontroversial to suggest
that the Ministry of Justice, the Bar Council and the Law Society would all
benefit from fuller research than Sir Bill was able to perform with his limited
brief.
Some disquiet has been expressed
about partisan commentary to the Review possibly triggering tension between
barristers and their solicitor colleagues.
It would be unconstructive for either side of the legal profession to
seize on the Review as vindication for ill will towards the other. Solicitors are on their feet in the Crown
Court, they have been for some time and they aren’t going anywhere and
barristers who dismiss them en masse
are in danger of pointing out the mote in another’s eye while ignoring the beam
in their own.
That being said I have yet to see
anywhere any realistic defence of the extraordinary disparity between
barristers’ advocacy training and solicitors’.
It is hard to see how, in good conscience, it could be contended that an
individual with a few hours of advocacy training is going to be as ready and
prepared for serious criminal advocacy as someone with months of training at
the hands of specialist advocates.
Accordingly I for one
wholeheartedly support some sort of harmonisation of the training regimes for
barristers and solicitors. Looking down
the line it is hard to see how the Inns of Court, for centuries the crucible in
which junior barristers were shaped, can continue to be the standard bearers
for advocacy if they ignore and refuse to admit or train increasing numbers of
advocates from the solicitors’ profession.
On which point a client with a grievance against a barrister currently
goes through a completely difference complaints regime than a client unhappy
with a solicitor-advocate’s conduct of a case.
Having twin regulators regulating fundamentally the same activity
engenders inconsistency and inconsistency of approach is the enemy of all good
lawyers everywhere.
The Jeffrey Review explicitly
acknowledges a profound and pervasive pessimism at the Criminal Bar and in so
doing he accepts that if the Bar hopes to soldier on as per the status quo it faces a finite
lifespan. The financial pressures that deter
solicitors from briefing self-employed counsel are proliferating and becoming
more entrenched. In conjunction with the
recent reduction in the number of cases coming before the criminal courts a
situation is being created where less and less work is being made available to
criminal barristers.
It is at this juncture that one
considers what alternatives Sir Bill moots.
He commends much greater certainty in the fixing of trials with the
trial advocate being identified at an early stage and accommodated. He suggests reinforcement of the client’s
right to select an advocate best suited and skilled for a particular case. These are one hopes uncontroversial
suggestions.
More controversial suggestions
include panels of defence advocates administered by the Legal Aid Agency
replicating in some measure those held by the CPS. The point of this reform would be to limit
the number of advocates entitled to conduct defence advocacy with the intention
that those advocates appointed to the panels might expect a more regular and
predictable supply of work. However difficulties
caused by such a scheme are immediately apparent. Would the scheme operate in tandem with
QASA? If so what would be the point of
it? How would advocates be appointed to
it? The CPS scheme is paper based which
seems a strange way of determining a group of contractors whose main skill base
is oral advocacy. If numbers on the
panels are limited that might make people even more hesitant about embarking upon
a career in criminal advocacy knowing that a time might come when removal from
the panel would mean overnight ruin.
The second suggestion is that
barristers be enabled to contract directly with the MoJ. This is of course not a new idea. Progress has been very slow in this direction
due to a combination of regulatory holdups and (possibly well founded) anxiety
on the part of the Bar that direct contracting represents the start of the
slippery slope to fusion.
It is very important that the Bar
and particularly the Young Bar is prepared to think and act creatively in
response to the Jeffrey Review which, while no panacea, provides plenty of food
for thought. But nothing should be tolerated that impinges on the independence of the Bar because that is the surest bulwark against injustice and wrongdoing.
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